Thursday, February 11, 2021

Other Voices Weigh In On Trump's 2nd Impeachment Trial

 The impeachment managers have sealed off Republicans’ escape hatches

E.J.Dionne


The House impeachment managers moved efficiently on Wednesday to close off the escape hatches and back doors for Senate Republicans.

Those who vote to acquit the former president will now own it all: The incendiary speech that made the nation’s capital a killing ground but also the months of incitement and lying that built up to the violence.  They will own the threats against elected officials who refused to cheat on Trump’s behalf, the attacks on Black voters in big cities, and the savage mendacity of his all-caps tweets. 


Voting to acquit will mean joining in Trump’s rejection of the democratic obligation to accept the outcome of a free election and in his declarations even before the voting began that this was a “rigged” and “stolen” contest.... The punditry says that fewer than 10 Republicans are likely to vote for Trump's conviction.  This will be an outrage, a sign that a once great party has surrendered to craven opportunism, or worse, brutal authoritarianism.  But thanks to the work of the impeachment managers, the country will know how spineless the party has become." 


by John Stoehr | February 13, 2021 - 8:08am | permalink

  Dangerous people sit in the Senate. Some Republicans are refusing to concede to the will of the Senate's majority, same as Donald Trump refused to concede to the majority of the American electorate. The question of whether the chamber has the authority has been settled, but some of them keep insisting it's not. "My view is unchanged as to whether or not we have the authority to do this, and I'm certainly not bound by the fact that 56 people think we do," said Senator Roy Blunt, Republican of Missouri. "I get to cast my vote, and my view is that you can't impeach a former president. And if the former president did things that were illegal, there is a process to go through for that."

If you're willing to stand by while the Russians assault our sovereignty, you're probably willing to stand by while armed seditionaries assassinate a dozen of your political enemies.

by John Stoehr | February 11, 2021 - 8:45am | permalink

— from Alternet

I know what Mitch McConnell said, but I'm not a fool. Neither are you. He continues to leak information about "his thinking" to reporters who in turn tell us the Senate minority leader believes a vote for Donald Trump's guilt or innocence is a matter of conscience in his party, not a foregone conclusion anyone with eyes can see coming.


by Amanda Marcotte | February 11, 2021 - 8:33am | permalink

— from Salon

Tuesday was the first day of Donald Trump's impeachment trial for inciting an insurrection, and, frustratingly, the day was devoted to the question of whether it was legal to even try Trump, now a former president, in the first place. The whole thing was a dog-and-pony show for Senate Republicans, who don't want to be caught looking supportive of an insurrection that failed. But they also don't want to offend their voters, who are still largely enthused about fascist insurrections and want to give Trump an A for effort. And so Republicans have settled on pretending they're springing Trump on a technicality — even though no one really believes such a technicality exists — in a pathetic bid to have it both ways. It felt like a waste of time because no one actually believes this trial is unconstitutional.

But there's one silver lining: The Democrats who are arguing the case as the House managers so thoroughly smoked Trump's defense that even Trump knows it.


CNN's Kaitlan Collins reported on Tuesday that former President Donald Trump was "almost screaming" over his lawyer Bruce Castor's poor performance during his Senate impeachment trial in the afternoon.

Castor's rambling opening remarks, which were meant to address the constitutionality of the trial but instead meandered over a wide range of subjects with little coherence, drew immediate criticism from observers across the board. Alan Dershowitz, a lawyer for Trump during his first impeachment, said he had no idea what Castor was trying to argue.

"This is a limited-time defense, and he wasn't really getting to the heart of the argument," Collins said of Castor. "And I'm now being told by two people familiar with President Trump's reaction — former President Trump, I should say — that he was deeply unhappy with that performance. He was 'borderline screaming,' according to these two people who are aware of how the president responded to Bruce Castor as he was going forward, making that argument."

She noted that Castor only recently joined the former president's defense team after Trump fired most of his attorneys a little over a week ago. His first team had been regarded as well-respected and serious lawyers, but he was reportedly unhappy with the strategy they were prepared to pursue.

Collins also reported that Castor was not supposed to speak first on Tuesday, but the order was changed at the last moment, confusing Trump allies.

US Senate must convict former president Trump  (FT Editorial, Feb. 9)

The US has savoured an intoxicating sensation of late. Political normality. The violence at the capitol on January 6 has not recurred. Its agent, former president Donald Trump, has repaired to Florida. As for his successor, some of Joe Biden’s ventures (such as his fiscal relief plan) are wiser than others (such as his protectionism). But none are incendiary.

It is right to preserve this moment of national calm. Not, however, at any cost. Today, the Senate begins its trial of Trump, who was impeached for his role in the capitol siege by the House of Representatives. If it convicts, the large minority of the country that still swears by him will seethe. Any hopes of bipartisanship in Washington over the coming years will vanish. The US would relive the rancour from which it has just bought some relief.

And it would still be the right thing to do. “Incitement to insurrection”, the article of impeachment, is not too strong a phrase for what Trump attempted last month. With the connivance of other Republicans, he raised a mob against the certification of his election defeat. Five people died, including a police officer, and the lingering thought is how much worse it might have been.

To favour the quiet life over the application of the law is dangerous at any time. To do so when the charge is as grave as this one would compromise the state and its values. In the absence of new evidence to the contrary — the potential discovery of which is another good reason for a trial — the Senate must convict.

The test in the coming days is not just for the republic, but for the party that carries its name. Barring a miracle of conscience, not enough Republican senators will vote against Trump to clinch the required supermajority for conviction. This is a movement choosing unity over the hard and divisive work of purging its coarser elements. Even after January 6, a majority of its House members refused to certify Trump’s defeat. Spurious claims of voter fraud still abound.

Some Republicans behave like this out of sincere belief in the man and his cause. Others do so out of fear of a raging base. It is hard to know which impulse is worse, the zeal or the cowardice.

 Either way, the Senate trial will force them on to the record, if not for voters, who have a pandemic and battered economy to distract them, then for posterity. After all, had the Senate convicted Trump on charges to do with Ukraine last year, the capital siege would never have happened. Historians will record that my-party-right-or-wrong is not a victimless dogma.

But the Democrats have to be realistic. There is no way of holding Trump to account that does not disrupt the US’s hard-won calm. The country will have to steel itself for a period of turbulence ahead. It is preferable to moral and legal abdication.

What happened last month was an attempted seizure of power by force. No democracy can tolerate such a crime or allow its orchestrator to hold public office again. It is important to know which senators disagree.



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